Some Critics See Him as Inexperienced, a Spokesman for Pentagon : Record Places Quayle Well to the Right of Bush

WASHINGTON — Is he a political lightweight or a serious player? A right-wing extremist or a regular conservative Republican?

A review of Republican vice presidential candidate Dan Quayle’s congressional record suggests that the 41-year-old senator is one of the most conservative candidates to run on a major party presidential ticket in this century. He is well to the right of George Bush on some civil rights issues and close to such staunch conservatives as Sen. Jesse Helms (R-N. C.) on the issues of abortion, school busing and prayer in the schools.

And, although he is noted in Congress for his combative speech-making, many of his colleagues and Capitol Hill aides point out that Quayle has not amassed a sizable legislative record.

Accused of Extremism

Now that the initial reaction to his selection by Bush as a running mate is subsiding, Quayle is facing Democratic accusations that he is an extremist and too inexperienced to be vice president.

Democratic presidential candidate Michael S. Dukakis, for example, cited Quayle’s brand of conservatism and his relative lack of experience in an interview with The Times Wednesday and asked: “Is that the kind of person you want a heartbeat away from the presidency?”

Democratic strategists have indicated that such attacks will continue.

In response, Republicans are presenting Quayle as a solid conservative and stressing that he is as influential as any other senator in only his second term.

“This guy hasn’t been in the Senate as long as other people; but, by the time he’s been around as long as (veteran Indiana Sen.) Richard G. Lugar and (Senate Minority Leader) Bob Dole, he’ll be as influential,” said Gordon Jones, vice president of the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank.

“For all his lack of academic brilliance, he’s not a dumb guy. He’s bright enough, and he’s a hard worker. Does he have the stamina for the vice presidency? Sure he does.”

Seen as ‘Mouthpiece’

Jones and others believe Quayle has gained considerable expertise on military issues through his membership on the Senate Armed Services Committee, and they stress his leadership of a panel on Pentagon procurement reform. But critics such as Rep. Barbara Boxer (D-Greenbrae), who has dealt with him on defense issues, insist that Quayle is little more than a “mouthpiece” for the military and has actually blocked procurement reform legislation.

On several occasions, the Indiana senator has bucked the Reagan Administration, most notably with his sponsorship of a jobs program that the White House wanted to kill. But he has been there on the tough votes when the President needed him--including votes in favor of confirming Robert H. Bork for the U.S. Supreme Court and against sweeping civil rights legislation.

“If loyalty is the test, Bush couldn’t have picked a better guy,” one lobbyist said. “This guy follows the party line very closely.”

How conservative is Quayle?

The American Conservative Union, a Washington advocacy group, has given the Indiana senator ratings of 80% or better on a series of key congressional votes. Dan Casey, the director, said that only Helms and a few other members had higher ratings.

‘Record Speaks for Itself’

“I think that (Quayle and Helms) would frequently arrive at the same conclusion, more often than not, but from a slightly different approach,” Casey said. Quayle, he explained, “is not quite as ideological (as Helms) but that doesn’t make him any less of a conservative vote. His voting record speaks for itself.”

On civil rights, for example, Quayle was one of only 14 senators who voted this year against legislation to strengthen anti-discrimination laws protecting women, minority members and the handicapped. The bill, which became law despite a Reagan veto, was intended to compensate for a Supreme Court decision that had weakened federal civil rights protections.

Although the legislation received broad support from Republicans and Democrats, Quayle believed it would have “unfairly” subjected small businesses and religious groups to federal regulation, according to Tom Duesterberg, his administrative assistant.

In 1983, he was one of 28 senators who voted against killing a Helms amendment that would have prevented the Internal Revenue Service from denying tax exemptions to private schools that engage in racial discrimination. The legislation was eventually defeated.

On abortion, Quayle supported an unsuccessful 1983 constitutional amendment by Helms that would have blocked federal funds from being used for any abortion-related programs. The amendment--a challenge to the Supreme Court’s Roe vs. Wade decision upholding the right to abortion--would have put Congress on record as saying that human life begins at conception.

Opposes Most Abortions

Quayle has said he believes abortions should be permitted only when a mother’s life is endangered, and he remains among “the most rigid anti-choice members of the U.S. Congress,” according to Sandra Jordan, a spokeswoman for the National Abortion Rights Action League.

However, he broke ranks with the anti-abortion bloc when he opposed an amendment to end charitable tax-exempt status for groups that finance or provide facilities for abortion. Also, Quayle voted two months ago to permit Medicaid-funded abortions for victims of rape or incest, subject to state approval.

On other social issues, Quayle has voted to permit organized prayer in public schools and to restrict school busing for desegregation. He opposed an extension of time for states to consider the equal rights amendment and does not favor legislation that would guarantee leave for parents when children are born.

Quayle’s conservatism is evident on labor issues also. He led the charge in the Senate against legislation requiring employers to give workers 60 days’ notice before plant closings, after failing to obtain support for a voluntary measure. Although the bill received bipartisan support, Quayle said in floor debate that a notice requirement would “stifle the growth” of the U.S. economy.

Against Hiking Base Wage

The Indiana senator has also voted against efforts to raise the minimum wage. Most recently, he opposed a bill being reviewed by a congressional committee that would have increased the minimum wage to $4.55 from $3.35 over a three-year period. The legislation was approved by the panel and is pending before the Senate.

Quayle helped lead a successful filibuster this year against a bill requiring notification of workers who are exposed to hazardous substances on the job. He said the bill represented over-regulation of the private sector and favored other remedies.

On a few occasions, however, Quayle has deserted the conservative fold and surprised his colleagues. In 1986, for example, he voted to override Reagan’s veto of a bill imposing U.S. sanctions on South Africa. And he joined with other senators this year in supporting a bill to strengthen protections against housing discrimination.

A Few ‘Surprising’ Votes

Conservative activists say they were not concerned. The few “surprising” votes Quayle has cast “are usually the kind of votes that any senator from an industrial state gets wrong . . . they are certainly not part of a larger pattern,” the American Conservative Union’s Casey said.

Quayle’s greatest legislative accomplishment occurred in 1982, when he joined with Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.) to win support for a jobs training program that the Reagan Administration opposed.

The White House was planning to terminate the controversial Comprehensive Employment and Training Act program, which had created thousands of public service jobs. But Quayle, who was chairman of a key subcommittee of the Labor and Human Resources panel, approached Kennedy with a compromise plan. Under their proposal, the jobs effort emphasized private sector training over public service jobs.

“We were greatly surprised by Sen. Quayle’s offer,” a former committee aide said. “It was unexpected, given the political climate of the time, and a very significant gesture on his part. If it wasn’t for him, I don’t think we’d have the program today.”

Beyond that, however, Quayle has not flexed much political muscle in the Senate.

“He is not really the one they (Republicans) turn to when they need someone to lead a major battle on the Hill,” said David Mallino, a longtime labor lobbyist. “At those times, they’ll usually call on someone with a lot more experience.”

Supporters contend, however, that Quayle has gained considerable experience--especially on military issues. As a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, he has gained a “cutting edge” knowledge of missile technology and conventional weapons defense systems, according to Jones of the Heritage Foundation.

Advocates ‘Star Wars’

In fact, Quayle has become a leading advocate of the Strategic Defense Initiative, the so-called “Star Wars” program. And he took an active, hawkish role in the debate over the U.S.-Soviet treaty banning medium-range nuclear missiles but ultimately voted to ratify it. He was one of a handful of senators who successfully urged Reagan to veto this year’s defense authorization bill, contending that Democrats were putting too many restrictions on “Star Wars.”

More important, Quayle has touted his leadership of a special task force that looked into Pentagon procurement practices. Supporters say that he led efforts at military reform, including the proposed appointment of a “czar” to oversee military purchasing, long before the current investigation into Pentagon fraud.

But those claims have drawn a sharp retort from House members who worked with Quayle on such issues. Rep. Boxer, the California congresswoman who negotiated with Quayle on several military reform bills in House-Senate conferences, said that he actually blocked moves to reform procurement policies and “seemed to be a mouthpiece” for the Pentagon.

Role as Reformer Disputed

“It’s a laugh to suggest that he spearheaded any reforms,” she said, recalling that Quayle had strongly opposed a bill offering greater protection to federal “whistle-blowers” who alert members of Congress to questionable Pentagon practices.

“He lectured me on military discipline, saying that the armed forces couldn’t function with such an approach,” she said. Boxer charged also that Quayle tried to water down legislation putting tighter controls on Pentagon employees who go to work for companies they once regulated.

Quayle aide Duesterberg disputed Boxer’s recollections, saying that Quayle “believes in Pentagon reform as much as anyone. He supports strong procurement laws. He just doesn’t believe in throwing out the baby with the bathwater.”